Trade Unions and the State in the British Social Formation

The thesis examines changes in the relationship between trade unions and the state in Britain, in the wider international context of changes in the nature of relations between states themselves. Specifically it attempts to reassess two major theories of trade unionism, theories of class consciousness (Stephens 1979) and theories of corporatism (Newman 1981) in the context of an increasingly integrated world economic system. Content analysis of trade union documents is used to develop two empirical models of trade union consciousness, comparing the extent of national and/or class identifications during the 1970's with the 1930's. Contrary to both theories of class consciousness and theories of corporatism, the 1930's model shows trade union consciousness was a form of dual consciousness in which "class" and "national" identifications were articulated together. Trade unions were therefore "class national" economic actors. Class struggles were pitched at the national level and depended on (and in turn strengthened) the economic sovereignty of nation states. By the 1970's however, international economic integration had undermined the political autonomy of nation states and thus traditional forms of trade union class struggle within nations. Under these conditions the only level at which class struggles against capitalism could be undertaken was at the international level. The 1970's model of trade union consciousness however, shows British trade unions had become increasingly "national" and "sectional" rather than "international class" actors. This provides considerable support for corporatist theories which argue that class conflict within nations has been overcome by class collaboration, in a joint struggle against other nations. The concept of corporatism however, is used in a novel way to refer to common national interests between unions and employers at the company and the national level (which are tending towards a solidification of the unions into individual companies and into the nation state) resulting from a disjunction or contradiction between economic forces which are now able to operate globally; and states and working class organisations which remain national. Three theoretical conclusions stand out. Firstly the main economic actors are now nation states and internationally mobile capital rather than nationally organised classes, secondly relations between nations are now crucial to any analysis of social relations within nations and finally existing theories of social stratification and the state (which analyse economic and political relations as institutionally separate entities within individual nation states) are thus in need of reformulation.